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VIEWPOINT: Time to take responsibility and lead way on climate change


By Rob Gibson

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An effective ban on onshore wind came about by 'fear of voter backlash'.
An effective ban on onshore wind came about by 'fear of voter backlash'.

We are told by Camilla Cavendish, a former head of Downing Street policy unit, that the outgoing prime minister Theresa May has issued an unexpected call to arms – namely, a commitment to achieve net-zero carbon emissions by 2050.

Cavendish states this battle cry in the Financial Times as "a great cause to fight for" in divided Brexit Britain. But Mrs May won’t be there to lead the "unprecedented level of joined-up government, lifestyle change, innovation and investment that is required," will she?

Ms Cavendish worked for David Cameron and was granted a life peerage in his dissolution honours list. Taking the title of Baroness Cavendish of Little Venice, she now sits as a cross-bench peer.

Known as the author of the sugar tax which became law in 2017, it is worth probing why the huge issue of climate change was not her highest priority before her retiral in 2016. She explains: "In the past, fears of voter backlash have led to frozen fuel taxes, inertia on insulating homes, a de facto ban on new onshore wind farms, and a refusal to properly tackle air pollution. Public apathy was also a good excuse to do little. Now, politicians should look seriously at taxing pollution and investing the proceeds."

That’s a striking confession from the heart of the Cameron administration which claimed initially to be the greenest ever. Meanwhile, in Scotland, the fallout from the de facto ban on onshore wind has stalled the much-needed development Cavendish now calls for. A string of UK energy ministers has stunted the burgeoning renewables industry here.

She cites reasons for the mood change: "In fact, the combination of growing public concern and the falling cost of renewable energy may be bringing us to a tipping point."

I have mused, time and again, on UK energy policy. This long overdue exposé on thinking by recent Tory governments shows how they pandered to their shire MPs who vehemently oppose "ghastly" turbines in their green lands. As for renewable opportunities in Scotland with a quarter of Europe’s wind potential and huge volumes of wave and tidal power, it’s a scandal we have not been able to ensure greater benefits for all UK consumers.

The Scottish Climate Change Act of 2009 set tough annual targets which put Scottish Government plans under regular scrutiny. In contrast the 2008 UK Act is considerably off track from its 80 per cent commitment to reduce CO2 by 2050, far less the demands for far tougher limits.

It’s not that Scottish climate challenges are streets ahead; this month the shortfall due to calculations of the EU Carbon Trading scheme showed a setback on 2017 calculations. However, as the UK Climate Change Committee holds up Scotland as an example of good practice, this exposes the prevarication of UK ministers from discouraging investors in carbon capture and storage and other clean options.

Camilla Cavendish sees private investment as key. But she recognises that the UK needs "a consistent policy environment to build confidence, reduce risk, lower the cost of capital and encourage research and development".

She notes in passing the fact that half of new cars sold in Norway are fully electric but ignores state direction of energy policy in our Nordic neighbour. They grab the best new renewable technology and use cash reserves from the royalties of oil and gas production to underpin their clean power surge.

In Scotland, as in the rest of Brexit-threatened UK, decarbonising transport, agriculture and buildings lag renewable power achievements. These are addressed in the Climate Change (Emissions Reductions Targets) (Scotland) Bill introduced in May 2018. It reaches Stage 2, the amending stage, in the Scottish Parliament this month with government amendments to toughen the target to net-zero by 2045, if the UK can achieve net-zero by 2050.

Extinction Rebellion find these measures totally inadequate. They quote scientists who give us a dozen years to keep global temperature rises below 2C. Other experts assess the ability of governments to take their citizens with them and have the courage to challenge aforementioned lifestyle changes and tax to spur investment. The Scottish parliament’s environment, climate change and land reform committee hearing amendments are likely to be torrid sessions.

Clearly there’s a breakdown of the global accord at the G20 nations. Trump and Putin won’t play ball. So, a universal carbon tax is a pipe dream in today’s fractured world order. Rising incomes in Asian tiger states mean aspirations to have cars, flights and lifestyles that Western middle classes have long enjoyed.

Why can’t business travellers cut their flights and use Skype? Is it politically easy for local communities to produce their own clean power? Can the growing awareness of the public at large be channelled to adopt the lifestyle changes we most certainly require? Will that in turn be the export that does most to give children of all lands the chance to live without fear of climate disaster?

It’s a heavy burden on us all. Having championed renewable energy in our corner of Scotland, nevertheless we know our efforts are minuscule compared to the global demand, but we also know that our reliance on fossil fuel puts a huge responsibility on us to lead the fight against climate disaster and ensure all politicians deliver.


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